In my previous essay I laid the groundwork for the discussion that is to follow about the anti-abortion moral position and misogyny. As argued in that essay, a person can be anti-abortion and not a misogynist. It was also shown that attacking a person’s circumstances or consistency in regard to their professed belief in an anti-abortion moral position does not disprove that position. It was, however, contended that consistency does matter when sorting out whether a person really does hold to an anti-abortion position or is, in fact, using that as cover for misogyny.
Before Donald Trump, being openly misogynistic was generally a way to lose an election. As such, a clever (or cleverly managed) misogynist will endeavor to conceal his misogyny behind more laudable moral positions, such as professing to being pro-life. This, obviously, sells better than being anti-women.
Republicans typically profess that they are pro-life , but there is the question of whether they truly hold to this principle. Republicans are also regularly accused of being misogynists and part of this involves asserting that their anti-abortion stance is an anti-women stance. One way to sort this out is to consider whether a person acts consistently with their professed pro-life but not anti-women position. Since people are inconsistent though ignorance and moral weakness, this will not conclusively reveal the truth of the matter—but it is perhaps the best method of empirical investigation.
On the face of it, a pro-life position is the view that it is morally wrong to kill. If a person held to this principle consistently, then they would oppose all forms of killing and this would include hunting, killing animals for food, capital punishment, and killing in war. There are people who do hold to this view and are thus consistent. This view was taken very seriously by Christian thinkers such as St. Augustine and St. Aquinas. After all, as I say to my Ethics students, it would be a hell of a thing to go to Hell for eating a hamburger.
The pro-life view that killing is wrong would seem to require a great deal of a person. In addition to being against just straight-up killing in war, abortion and capital punishment, it would also seem to require being against other things that kill people, such as poverty, pollution and disease. As such, a pro-life person would seem to be required to favor medical and social aid to fight things like disease and poverty that kill people.
As is obvious, there are many who profess being pro-life while opposing things that would reduce deaths. They even oppose such things as providing food support for mothers and infants who are mired in poverty. One might thus suspect that they are not so much pro-life as anti-woman. Of course, a person could be anti-abortion and still be opposed to society rendering aid to people to prevent death.
One option is to be against killing but be fine with letting people die. While philosophers do make this moral distinction, it seems a bit problematic for a person to claim that he opposes abortion because killing fetuses is wrong, but not providing aid and support to teenage mothers, the sick, and the starving is acceptable because one is just letting them die rather than killing them. Given this view, a “pro-life” person of this sort would be okay with a mother just abandoning her baby—she would simply be letting the baby die rather than killing her.
People who profess to be pro-life also often are morally onboard with killing and eating animals. The ethics of killing animals (and plants) was also addressed explicitly by Augustine and Aquinas. One way to be pro-life but hold that killing animals is acceptable is to contend that humans have a special moral status that other living things lack. The usual justification is that we are better than them, so we can kill (and eat) them. This view was held by St. Augustine and St. Anselm.
However, embracing the superiority principle does provide an opening that can be used to justify abortion. One merely needs to argue that the fetus has a lower moral status than the woman and this would seem to warrant abortion.
Many people who profess a pro-life view also favor capital punishment and war. In fact, it is common to hear a politician smoothly switch from speaking of the sanctity of life to the need to kill terrorists and criminals. One way to be pro-life and accept capital punishment and war is to argue that it is the killing of innocents that is wrong. Killing the non-innocent is fine.
The obvious problem is that capital punishment sometimes kills innocent people, and war always involves the death of innocents. If these killings are warranted in terms of interests, self-defense, or on utilitarian grounds, then the door is open for the same reasoning being applied to abortion. After all, if innocent adults and children can be killed for national security, economic interests or to protect us from terrorists, then fetuses can also be killed for the interests of the woman or on utilitarian grounds. Also, animals and plants are clearly innocent. Someone who is fine with killing people for the sake of interests or on utilitarian grounds yet professes to be devoutly pro-life might justifiably be suspected of being more anti-women than pro-life.
A professed pro-life position can also be interpreted as the moral principle that abortions should be prevented. This is, obviously, better described as anti-abortion rather than pro-life. One obvious way to prevent abortions is to prevent women from having them. This need not be a misogynistic view—one would need to consider why the person holds to this view and this can be explored by considering the person’s other expressed views on related matters.
If a person is anti-abortion, then she should presumably support ways to prevent abortion other than merely stopping women from having them. Two rather effective ways to reduce the number of abortions (and thus prevent some) are effective sex education and access to birth control. These significantly reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies and thus reduce the number of abortions. Not surprisingly, abstinence focused “sex education” fails dismally.
Being anti-abortion is rather like being anti-traffic fatality. Telling people to not drive will not really help. Teaching people how to drive safely and ensuring that protection is readily available does work quite well.
Because of this, if a person professes to be anti-abortion, yet is opposed to effective sex education and birth control, then it is reasonable to suspect misogyny. This is, of course, not conclusive: the person might have no dislike of women and sincerely believe that ignorance about sex is best, that abstinence works, and that birth control is evil. The person would not be a misogynist—just in error.
In closing, it must be reiterated that just because a person is inconsistent about their professed pro-life moral principles, it does not follow that they must be a misogynist. After all, people are often inconsistent because of ignorance, because they fail to consider implications, and from moral weakness. However, if a person professes a pro-life position, yet is consistently inconsistent in regards to their actions and other professed views, then it would not be unreasonable to consider that there might be some misogyny in play.

During ethical discussions about abortion, I am sometimes asked if I believe that person who holds the anti-abortion position must be a misogynist. While there are misogynists who are anti-abortion, I hold to the obvious: there is no necessary connection between being anti-abortion and being a misogynist. A misogynist hates women, while a person who holds an anti-abortion position believes that abortion is morally wrong. There is no inconsistency between holding the moral position that abortion is wrong and not being a hater of women. In fact, an anti-abortion person could have a benevolent view towards all living beings and be morally opposed to harming any of them, including zygotes and women.
Although I like science fiction, it took me a long time to get around to seeing Interstellar—although time is a subjective sort of thing. One reason I decided to see it is because some claimed the movie should be shown in science classes. Because of this, I expected to see a science fiction movie. Since I write science fiction, horror and fantasy stuff, it should not be surprising that I get a bit obsessive about genre classifications. Since I am a professor, it should also not be surprising that I have an interest in teaching methods. As such, I will be considering Interstellar in regard to both genre classifications and its education value in the context of science. There will be spoilers—so if you have not seen it, you might wish to hold off reading this essay.
One stock criticism of philosophers is that we are useless: we address useless subjects or address useful subjects in useless ways. For example, one might criticize a philosopher for philosophically discussing matters of what might be. To illustrate, a philosopher might discuss the ethics of modifying animals to possess human levels of intelligence. As another illustration, a philosopher might present an essay on the problem of personal identity as it relates to cybernetic replacement of the human body. In general terms, these speculative flights can be dismissed as doubly useless: not only do they have the standard uselessness of philosophy, but they also have the uselessness of talking about what is not and might never be. Since I have, at length and elsewhere, addressed the general charge of uselessness against philosophy, I will focus on this specific criticism.
Donald gazed down upon the gleaming city of Newer York and the equally gleaming citizens that walked, rolled, or flew its gleaming streets. Long ago, or so the oldest files in his memory indicated, he had been an organic human. That human, whom Donald regarded as himself, had also gazed down upon the city, then known as New York. In those dark days, primates walked and drove the dirty streets and the only things that gleamed were puddles of urine.
or my personal ethics, as opposed to the ethics I use for large scale moral judgments, I rely heavily on virtue theory. As would be expected, I have been influenced by thinkers such as Aristotle, Confucius and Wollstonecraft.
His treads ripping into the living earth, Striker 115 rushed to engage the human operated tanks. The few remaining human soldiers had foolishly, yet bravely (as Striker 115 was forced to admit) refused to accept quick and painless processing.
In philosophy, a classic moral debate is on the conflict between liberty and security. While this covers many issues, the main problem is determining the extent to which liberty should be sacrificed to gain security. There is also the practical question of whether the security gain is effective.